- 10.00: Trial lecture: "Social capital and interpersonal trust in Norway: Comparison and Relevance".
- 12.00: Public defence.
Opponents
- First opponent: professor Kristin Strømsnes, University of Bergen.
- Second opponent: professor Andrew Miles, Manchester Urban Institute.
- Leader of the committee: associate professor Jannecke Wiers-Jenssen, OsloMet.
Leader of the public defence is centre director Beate Elvebakk, Centre for the Study of Professions, OsloMet.
The candidate's supervisors are professor Håvard Helland (OsloMet) and professor Johannes HJellbrekke (University of Bergen).
Summary
This dissertation examines social divisions in accessing social capital and their influence on generalized trust. On the one hand, theories focusing on the benefits of social capital for individuals emphasize that homogeneity fosters social contact, which can be beneficial for individuals. On the other hand, having contacts with diverse backgrounds is associated with increased inclusiveness toward out-groups and higher levels of generalized trust, while homogeneity may have the reverse impact. This brings forth the question: How and in which ways can social networks influence interpersonal trust?
By analyzing Norwegian novel survey data, I address the following questions: How do social networks correlate with trust, and what is the relative importance of various aspects of a social network for different forms of interpersonal trust? Does trust in professionals or in strangers (i.e. generalized trust) vary with social position (e.g. social class, gender and ethnic background)?
Findings
The scholarship on stratification draws attention to the way in which the social structure can both shape preferences and contribute to segregation (e.g. residential or school), influencing with whom a person is likely to establish contact, yet the empirical evidence on the topic remains relatively meager. The findings in Article 1 show that despite the egalitarian norms and culture of equality, social capital in Norway is rooted, partly, in class structure, evidenced in that the prestige of contacts varies with the social position of the individuals.
These differences are hierarchical: people in stable service class positions have access to contacts with higher prestige than the contacts of people in stable working-class positions, while the mobile groups are in between. Nevertheless, the findings also show that individuals have comparable network extensivity across social mobility trajectories. Furthermore, homophilous preferences are largely absent towards high-status professionals, further discussed in Article 2. While this does not preclude that individuals may prefer others similar to themselves in other contexts, it
highlights that homophilous preferences are not prevalent.
I, thereafter, investigate several possible links between social capital and generalized trust: (a) the occupational diversity of a person’s contacts; (b) the average prestige of the
contacts; (c) the kinship relationship with the individual; and (d) differentiate between their personal role (e.g. friends) and their professional role.
Article 3 shows positive and independent correlations between diverse and prestigious contacts outside the family and trust. More specifically, the results of the study show that while kin contacts are immaterial for generalized trust, having diverse and socioeconomically prestigious non-kin contacts is positively and independently linked with higher levels of generalized trust.
By focusing on professionals in their professional capacity (e.g. physicians) and other informal roles (e.g. friends), this dissertation suggests the importance of accounting for and reconsidering this dual role. As shown in Article 4, knowing professionals employed in the core welfare occupations in Norway seems immaterial in relationship to generalized trust, but considering core welfare state occupational groups as trustworthy is linked with one’s perception of others being helpful, fair and trustworthy.
Discussion
In sum, this dissertation illustrates several ways in which social capital may be linked with increased interpersonal trust. More specifically, the findings illustrate the positive association between diverse networks and prestigious contacts with generalized trust. However, these findings are contingent on several factors, such as the development of friendships and acquaintances outside the family, the overall level of social inequality, and the strength of ingroup favoritism and homophilous preferences.
In Norway, where access to social capital, at least in terms of extensivity, is not linked with one’s social position and where individuals have a generally trustworthy outlook, even toward those different from themselves, social capital appears to be positively correlated with the level of generalized trust. Thus, it is important to reflect on ways in which access to social capital may be strengthened and increased.